Comment: Kenya鈥檚 1950 Kolloa massacre: communities need closure Published on: 12 August 2025 Writing for The Conversation, Chloe Josse-Durand discusses how Britain won鈥檛 own up to its colonial violence but communities need closure , In 1950, British forces killed at least 29 civilians in one of the deadliest, but least chronicled, episodes of colonial violence in Kenya. Armed soldiers of Dini ya Msambwa, a spiritual and anti-colonial movement in Kenya active around what is now West Pokot county in the north-western region. Survivors describe the group鈥檚 gathering on 24 April 1950 as a peaceful one. However, British colonial forces, fearing a potential uprising, violently confronted the group at the Kolloa trading centre. It led to one of the highest number of deaths in a single day in a single place in Kenya鈥檚 colonial period. For the surviving families and followers of Dini ya Msambwa (the 鈥渞eligion of the spirits鈥 in Kiswahili), it was a massacre. However, the British government has never publicly apologised for this atrocity. The movement鈥檚 adherents continue to seek justice and recognition, but they face . I am part of a team at 缅北禁地 working on , a project focused on former British colonies. I鈥檝e been with communities affected by colonial violence in Kenya, including Dini ya Msambwa adherents. In my view, Britain鈥檚 recognition of the Kolloa massacre isn鈥檛 just a matter of historical record. It is about acknowledging that the group鈥檚 pain is real, their loss unjust and their struggle worth remembering. To acknowledge Kolloa as a massacre would open the door to legal and moral accountability from the British government. This would help Dini Ya Msambwa followers affirm the legitimacy of their historical grievances and their place in Kenya鈥檚 national story. Crucially, it could also lay the groundwork for reparations, which could include financial compensation for surviving families, and the restitution of confiscated land and livestock. The British government remains silent on the massacre. But this doesn鈥檛 erase memory. Dini ya Msambwa followers and representatives and historians are to ensure that Kolloa 鈥 like so many forgotten chapters of colonial violence in Africa and beyond 鈥 is not buried with the last of its survivors. The group鈥檚 origins Dini ya Msambwa was founded in the 1940s by Elijah Masinde among the Bukusu people of western Kenya. The movement rejected colonial authority, resisted Christian missionary dominance and called for a . This combination of cultural pride and political defiance made it a by British authorities. Lukas Pkech, a prominent Pokot leader, brought Masinde鈥檚 preachings to West Suk and Baringo in the British-administered north-west region in 1950. His teachings were among Pokot communities and were seen as a direct challenge to colonial order. British district commissioner Arthur Simpsons, along with a contingent of tribal police and British officers led by Alan Stevens, moved to quell the movement and most likely to kill its leader. What followed was a fatal confrontation in Kolloa: over 300 Dini ya Msambwa followers, armed mainly with spears, faced off with colonial security forces in what came to be called the Kolloa Affray. Pkech and at least 28 followers were killed, along with Stevens, two other British nationals and an African askari (soldier). suggest that between 44 and 50 people were killed 鈥 29 during the event itself, and 15 to 20 others later succumbing to wounds sustained in the fighting. At least 176 Dini ya Msambwa members present at the standoff were . Seven of them were executed for their direct involvement. This event led to increased repression of Pokot communities and suspected Dini ya Msambwa leaders and followers. The colonial administration confiscated over and deployed a special police force in the region. Residents were forced into hard labour on district roads as part of communal punishment. Hundreds of adherents were thrown into near the district administrative centre, Kapenguria. The exact number of Dini ya Msambwa followers today is hard to assess as many choose to remain discreet for their own safety. However, the growing visibility of branches like (African Religion of the Gently Anointing Spirit) indicates the movement鈥檚 enduring significance in Pokot society. Dini ya Roho attracts approximately 4,000 members weekly for worship and yearly for Kolloa commemorations. In the church鈥檚 doctrine, the deaths at Kolloa are reinterpreted as a in fulfilment of peace for the community. Since its official registration in 2012, the church has gained . Silencing through legal reform In 2013, the UK government issued a (US$26.5 million) in compensation to 5,228 Mau Mau veterans. The compensation was related to of the Mau Mau uprising (1952鈥1960), also known as the 鈥淜enya Emergency鈥. This was a large-scale anti-colonial rebellion during which were detained without trial in a vast system of camps and fenced villages. Here, torture, forced labour and systematic abuse were . The Mau Mau case secured an official apology and compensation for colonial-era torture. It also demonstrated that legal redress for historical injustices was possible. Yet, it was also a strategic concession by the UK government. It was limited in scope, restricted to a specific group (those tortured during the Emergency), and designed to avoid setting a broad legal precedent. Since then, the UK has enacted a new law 鈥 the 鈥 that imposes strict legal limits on claims related to the actions of British troops abroad, effectively barring historical claims. Worse still, under the legal doctrine known as , claimants must prove that abuses were ordered by the UK government in London, not just carried out by colonial administrators. In the case of , where documentation is sparse and most evidence comes from oral testimonies, this is an almost impossible task. Further, unlike the Mau Mau case, which gained global attention, Kolloa has remained largely absent from mainstream narratives. The Kenyan government has lacked political will to put pressure on Britain and has itself seen the movement as dangerous. It remained banned until 2012, after the new constitution for freedom of religion and beliefs. Without strong advocacy from the Kenyan state, Britain has no diplomatic incentive to revisit or acknowledge Kolloa. Is there still hope for justice? One promising path is international litigation. In 2022, the from Kenya鈥檚 Nandi and Kipsigis communities 鈥 themselves victims of colonial brutality 鈥 brought a case against the UK at the European Court of Human Rights. Their efforts could set a precedent for groups like Dini ya Msambwa seeking redress beyond British courts. Back home, Kenya鈥檚 devolved county government of West Pokot has also given representatives from the church more freedom to speak openly. While the group remains cautious about challenging the national government directly, there鈥檚 a for memorialisation, truth telling and intergenerational dialogue. For Dini ya Msambwa, the fight is about more than financial compensation. It is about being . The group鈥檚 struggle touches on deeper questions of dignity, memory and the right to practise their faith with pride instead of fear and resentment. , Senior Research Associate in African Politics, This article is republished from under a Creative Commons license. Read the . 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